Kimberley A. Strassel: Why Romney Chose Ryan
His running mate offers Romney the opportunity 
to explain to Americans that they have a choice between national 
stagnation and renewal.
   
Mitt Romney did much more this weekend than announce
 a running mate. He unveiled a significant change in strategy. The 2012 
election is now a choice, not just a referendum. 
Conservatives have spent much of this summer reassuring themselves. 
They've pointed out the extraordinary sums President Obama has thrown at
 crippling Mr. Romney. They've noted how ugly and brutal those attacks 
have been. They've comforted themselves that, for all the smears, Mr. 
Romney is within a few points of the incumbent in national tracking 
polls. 
Yet the same can be said on the other side. The economy is teetering,
 the deficit exploding, the nation unhappy with his signature 
legislation. Daily, Mr. Romney beats the White House with these 
failures. But he has barely moved the polling dial. 
Mr. Romney's choice of House Budget Chairman Paul Ryan, one of the 
party's star reformers, is an attempt to break out of the stalemate, 
change the dynamic. It was foremost a shrewd acknowledgment on Mr. 
Romney's part that his path to the White House is going to take more 
than pointing out the obvious. He needs to run on bold ideas, as Mr. 
Ryan has, and convince Americans those ideas are the way to prosperity. 
In fairness, the Romney campaign had the elements in place. It's 
taken some time, but Mr. Romney today is sporting a fairly bold reform 
agenda, from his tax cuts to his Medicare reforms, to his vow to end 
ObamaCare. And the candidate has been dutifully repeating that this 
election is a choice between two very different futures for the country.
 Yet his policy and his words were largely lost amid his campaign's 
intense focus on the president.
Mr. Ryan provides the crucial shift in emphasis, the opportunity to 
go on offense. We will now have a focus on, and explanation of, the 
choice between stagnation and renewal. This is what Mr. Ryan excels 
at—not just crafting ideas, but explaining them in a positive and 
serious way. This ability is why the congressman—despite his supposedly 
extremist reform blueprint and budget (says the left)—has continued to 
win a district that in 2008 went for Mr. Obama. 
                
 Associated Press/Steve Helber
Associated Press/Steve Helber
                
Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan at Randolph-Macon College in Ashland, Va., Aug. 11.
Mr. Romney is well aware of those 
skills. The two men have been carrying on a conversation for some time. 
Even before he endorsed Mr. Romney in March, Mr. Ryan had been sending 
Mr. Romney memos on policy and strategy; they called each other, 
discussed tough issues like Medicare reform. 
Indeed, while the congressman will publicly aid the campaign by 
barnstorming in Ohio or Florida, he'll be privately aiding it as a voice
 in the inner circle—relating his own long experience with how to tackle
 and win the toughest issues. The Ryan pick will reassure the GOP base, 
but the goal here is to use the reboot to win the crucial argument with 
independents and Reagan Democrats—as Mr. Ryan has done so well back in 
his home state of Wisconsin. 
The first pitch to those voters came with Mr. Romney's introduction 
of Mr. Ryan on Saturday, in which the campaign made clear it intends to 
use this pick as a way of underlining the intellectual poverty of the 
Obama campaign. Mr. Romney spoke of Mr. Ryan's "integrity," his 
"seriousness," his "intellectual leadership," and his refusal to 
"demonize his opponents"—traits for which Mr. Ryan is well-known. 
The introduction was designed to highlight the Obama campaign's own 
relentless smear attacks, and its focus on the trivial. This is the 
first sign of Mr. Ryan's influence, since the strategy is clearly 
modeled on the congressman's own history of winning on ideas against 
opponents who resort to cheap attack. 
Democrats will attack anyway. To their disappointment, Mr. Ryan is a 
well-vetted, 14-year congressman, and a bit of a Boy Scout. There will 
be no fruitful dumpster-diving, a la Sarah Palin. Instead they are 
bragging about a 290-page Ryan opposition research paper from the 
left-wing super PAC American Bridge that focuses on the congressman's 
plan to reform Medicare to offer a "premium support" option—a proposal 
he crafted with Oregon's Democratic Sen. Ron Wyden. That plan would for 
the first time give seniors who want it the choice of government-funded 
private insurance options. The attacks will include the usual hysteria 
that Messrs. Romney and Ryan want to euthanize senior citizens. 
Mr. Obama has taken to claiming that Mr. Romney wants to raise taxes 
on the middle-class so that he can give that money to the 1%. Expect the
 president and his party to now claim that the Romney-Ryan ticket 
doesn't just want to throw granny off the cliff; they want to dispense 
her Medicare dollars to their fat-cat friends. 
Mr. Romney's only possible response is to go nuclear. His campaign 
has been timid in its response to the Obama attacks on Bain and Mr. 
Romney's wealth. But if the Romney campaign leaves hanging the Obama 
argument that it is ending Medicare or redistributing tax dollars to the
 wealthy or denying Americans health care, it will lose. 
If Mr. Romney wants to know the perils of adopting Mr. Ryan in name 
but not in spirit, he need only look at a handful of special House 
elections over the past years. Those contests featured GOP candidates 
happy to burnish their conservative credentials by initially supporting 
Mr. Ryan's budget reforms. Yet when the Democratic attacks rolled in, 
they ducked the debate. Voters were left with little choice but to 
believe the left-wing spin, and the Republicans lost.
There's another reason the candidate needs to forcefully defend his 
running mate. Mr. Romney's pick is considered bold in part because Mr. 
Ryan's reforms have in many ways outpaced his own. Democrats, aided by a
 willing press, are going to be looking for any daylight between the 
running mates and attempt to spin those perceived cracks into a story 
line about a fractious, divided ticket. That's the sort of messy 
sideshow that can swamp a campaign.
The Ryan pick is the boldest move Mr. Romney has made as a 
presidential candidate—in this campaign, or his last. If he wants to win
 the White House, it needs to be just the beginning. 
 
 
 
 
 
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