Denise Dresser
Denise Dresser is Professor of Political Science, Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México.
My
homeland has become a place where too many people are victims,
succumbing to a virus, or gunned down by a drug-trafficker; assaulted by
a robber, shot by an ill-trained policeman, or kidnapped by a member of
a criminal gang. The flu epidemic, which probably began in the southern
state of Veracruz, is yet another sign that all is not well in Mexico.
The
country seems to be caught in a permanent, uneasy tug-of-war between
the past and the future, between change and the actors who seek to place
obstacles in its path. For example, when initial reports surfaced about
the first swine flu cases, it took three weeks for the information to
reach federal health authorities, because state governments were
reluctant to report cases quickly due to political and electoral
considerations.
CommentsMexico
faces mid-term elections for Congress in the fall, and President Felipe
Calderón’s National Action Party is trailing slightly in the polls over
its main rivals, who would like nothing better than to see a health
emergency translate into a political defeat. In the face of a public
health system that seemed incapable of diagnosing and treating the
outbreak quickly, the government felt it had little choice but to shut
down Mexico City, dealing a severe blow to an already crippled economy.
CommentsIn
contrast with Mexico’s authoritarian past, when an “imperial
presidency” constituted a major obstacle to modernization, power has
been dispersed. What the executive branch has relinquished, or been
forced to give up, vested interests have seized.
CommentsThe
problem is no longer too much power in the president’s hands, but too
much power in the hands of “veto centers” – including public-sector
unions – that are blocking much-needed reforms, including in the health
system. In all likelihood, the 22 reported dead from swine flu reflect a
social safety net falling to pieces due to lack of public investment
and union recalcitrance.
CommentsThe
flu also revealed some of Mexico’s other fundamental flaws. The
political system has become a peculiar hybrid of authoritarian remnants
and newly established mechanisms for transparency. The electoral process
has been unable to guarantee decent democratic governance, rein in
predatory practices among the political class, or make public officials
follow established rules, keep them responsive to citizen preferences,
and deter them from channeling public funds into private hands.
CommentsLack
of accountability has both encouraged corruption and fed perceptions
that abuse remains unpunished. Impunity, in turn, erodes the credibility
of the country’s institutions, including public hospitals and clinics.
Today, conspiracy theories abound in Mexico about the origins of the
virus, because government officials are viewed with such ingrained
suspicion.
CommentsThroughout
the epidemic, citizens have largely obeyed government guidelines and
followed public health prescriptions. But that doesn’t mean they trust
the government. Public-opinion polls reveal that more than 50% of the
population believe that political parties are “not necessary” for the
good of the country. Disapproval of Congress is growing, and people’s
satisfaction with representative democracy has decreased.
CommentsIn
the midst of the epidemic, 66% of Mexicans believe that the country is
regressing. Seventy-five percent of crimes are not reported due to lack
of trust in the authorities, and 98% of crimes are never resolved or
punished. Public opinion seems disenchanted with a democracy incapable
of offering tangible solutions to problems, the flu crisis being the
most recent example.
CommentsSaddled
by a viral infection, drug-related insecurity, and rising crime, Mexico
feels like a besieged place. The noted columnist Miguel Angel Granados
Chapa wrote last week: “All that’s missing is for Mexico to get peed on
by a dog.”
CommentsMexico’s
bad health is a symptom of problems that run deeper and are more
widespread than swine flu. Over the past ten years, political and
economic actors intent on preserving the status quo have
blocked further democratic change and economic reform, condemning Mexico
to move sideways, even as other emerging markets surge ahead.
CommentsLately,
political battles among key actors have not been about how to build a
more effective of representative political system or a more equitable,
dynamic economy, but about how to maintain control of accumulated power
or distribute it among their allies. Political parties appear far
removed from citizen demands, beset by internal divisions, incapable of
addressing deep-rooted inequality and lawlessness, and prone to populist
or authoritarian leadership that promises quick fixes to entrenched
problems.
CommentsMexico’s
current quandary is the flu, but it faces more important challenges
than a mutating microbe. With more than 40 million people living in
poverty and 7,000 killed in drug-related violence last year, Mexico will
need to reform quickly to address what the virus has brought to light: a
government far removed from the suffering of ordinary people and too
frequently insensitive to their plight.
CommentsIn
this national crisis, Mexico’s people have closed ranks, collaborated,
and showed that they are capable of working together to achieve common
goals in the public interest. But their political and economic elites
frequently seem incapable of doing so. That is why home seems far, far
away for so many Mexicans.
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