 
   Denise Dresser
Denise Dresser is Professor of Political Science, Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México.
My
 homeland has become a place where too many people are victims, 
succumbing to a virus, or gunned down by a drug-trafficker; assaulted by
 a robber, shot by an ill-trained policeman, or kidnapped by a member of
 a criminal gang. The flu epidemic, which probably began in the southern
 state of Veracruz, is yet another sign that all is not well in Mexico. 
The
 country seems to be caught in a permanent, uneasy tug-of-war between 
the past and the future, between change and the actors who seek to place
 obstacles in its path. For example, when initial reports surfaced about
 the first swine flu cases, it took three weeks for the information to 
reach federal health authorities, because state governments were 
reluctant to report cases quickly due to political and electoral 
considerations. 
CommentsMexico
 faces mid-term elections for Congress in the fall, and President Felipe
 Calderón’s National Action Party is trailing slightly in the polls over
 its main rivals, who would like nothing better than to see a health 
emergency translate into a political defeat. In the face of a public 
health system that seemed incapable of diagnosing and treating the 
outbreak quickly, the government felt it had little choice but to shut 
down Mexico City, dealing a severe blow to an already crippled economy. 
CommentsIn
 contrast with Mexico’s authoritarian past, when an “imperial 
presidency” constituted a major obstacle to modernization, power has 
been dispersed. What the executive branch has relinquished, or been 
forced to give up, vested interests have seized. 
CommentsThe
 problem is no longer too much power in the president’s hands, but too 
much power in the hands of “veto centers” – including public-sector 
unions – that are blocking much-needed reforms, including in the health 
system. In all likelihood, the 22 reported dead from swine flu reflect a
 social safety net falling to pieces due to lack of public investment 
and union recalcitrance. 
CommentsThe
 flu also revealed some of Mexico’s other fundamental flaws. The 
political system has become a peculiar hybrid of authoritarian remnants 
and newly established mechanisms for transparency. The electoral process
 has been unable to guarantee decent democratic governance, rein in 
predatory practices among the political class, or make public officials 
follow established rules, keep them responsive to citizen preferences, 
and deter them from channeling public funds into private hands. 
CommentsLack
 of accountability has both encouraged corruption and fed perceptions 
that abuse remains unpunished. Impunity, in turn, erodes the credibility
 of the country’s institutions, including public hospitals and clinics. 
Today, conspiracy theories abound in Mexico about the origins of the 
virus, because government officials are viewed with such ingrained 
suspicion. 
CommentsThroughout
 the epidemic, citizens have largely obeyed government guidelines and 
followed public health prescriptions. But that doesn’t mean they trust 
the government. Public-opinion polls reveal that more than 50% of the 
population believe that political parties are “not necessary” for the 
good of the country. Disapproval of Congress is growing, and people’s 
satisfaction with representative democracy has decreased.  
CommentsIn
 the midst of the epidemic, 66% of Mexicans believe that the country is 
regressing. Seventy-five percent of crimes are not reported due to lack 
of trust in the authorities, and 98% of crimes are never resolved or 
punished. Public opinion seems disenchanted with a democracy incapable 
of offering tangible solutions to problems, the flu crisis being the 
most recent example. 
CommentsSaddled
 by a viral infection, drug-related insecurity, and rising crime, Mexico
 feels like a besieged place. The noted columnist Miguel Angel Granados 
Chapa wrote last week: “All that’s missing is for Mexico to get peed on 
by a dog.” 
CommentsMexico’s
 bad health is a symptom of problems that run deeper and are more 
widespread than swine flu. Over the past ten years, political and 
economic actors intent on preserving the  status quo  have 
blocked further democratic change and economic reform, condemning Mexico
 to move sideways, even as other emerging markets surge ahead. 
CommentsLately,
 political battles among key actors have not been about how to build a 
more effective of representative political system or a more equitable, 
dynamic economy, but about how to maintain control of accumulated power 
or distribute it among their allies. Political parties appear far 
removed from citizen demands, beset by internal divisions, incapable of 
addressing deep-rooted inequality and lawlessness, and prone to populist
 or authoritarian leadership that promises quick fixes to entrenched 
problems.  
CommentsMexico’s
 current quandary is the flu, but it faces more important challenges 
than a mutating microbe. With more than 40 million people living in 
poverty and 7,000 killed in drug-related violence last year, Mexico will
 need to reform quickly to address what the virus has brought to light: a
 government far removed from the suffering of ordinary people and too 
frequently insensitive to their plight.  
CommentsIn
 this national crisis, Mexico’s people have closed ranks, collaborated, 
and showed that they are capable of working together to achieve common 
goals in the public interest. But their political and economic elites 
frequently seem incapable of doing so. That is why home seems far, far 
away for so many Mexicans. 
 
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